African arguments: Do Africa problems require African-solutions?
Before getting into details let’s explore how the UNSC runs its business. i.e Let’s have a quick of the UNSC structure, cultural and environment. To start with, under the United Nations Charter, the Security Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace. Generally, the council has 15 Members, and each Member has one vote. Under the Charter, all Member States are obligated to adhere to and comply with Council decisions. Generally, the Security Council takes the lead in determining the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression.
Usually, the UN Security Council calls upon the parties in conflicts to settle the disagreement by peaceful means and recommends methods of adjustment or terms of settlement. In some cases, the Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even authorize the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security. Importantly, the Security Council also recommends to the General Assembly the appointment of the Secretary-General and the admission of new Members to the United Nations.
Performance of its functions may be confusing and is reflected in Rule 28 of the Council’s Provisional Rules of Procedure. i.e UNSC can choose to establish a number of sub- working group, which aims to deal with some specific issues such as: sanctions regimes, counter-terrorism, peacekeeping operations. For instance, UNSC has established the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) are subsidiary organs of the Security Council within the terms of article 29 of the Charter. Ultimately, it is up the council members to decide when how and to deal with specific issues. Other working group includes the advisory Body, International Courts and Tribunals, Peacekeeping Operations and Political Missions, Non-Proliferation and Military Committee.
There are genuine concerns that the United Nations Security Council should undergo a critical reform by increasing African presence and influence. Still, a number of African Nations see UN Security Council (UNSC) as a talk feast and not an action place ‘too much talk and no action!’, whilst others argue that he Council must adhere to UN charter, avoid the division and to verbalize the present ethnic war conflicts in Africa. The UNSC should have one voice and comprehensive blueprint for all people. Peace in Africa and world can only be achieved through an honesty dialogue between all stakeholders!
It was the 28th July 1951 , when UN approved the refugee conventions and and protocol relates to the status of refugees and international displaced people 1967(IDPs). Likewise, the UN approved it is humanitarian agency ‘the United Nations High Commission for Refugees’, also known by the acronym of the UNHCR New Zealand was one of the signatory of the conventions.
That marked a milestone as it was the first time to distinguish refugee and migrant. According to the 1951 conventions, article 1A(2) , a refugee is a person who "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country (UNHCR, 2002). Currently, there are 65.3 millions Internal displaced People, 23.3 million of refugees and 10 millions displaced people.
As mentioned above, the UNHCR, which is a non political and humanitarian agency has a mandate to care ,protect refugees and help refugees with ( a) repatriation , integration and resettlement . ie. Repatriation is a voluntary process of refugee to their country of origin, local integration referred to a process of allowing refugees to live in dignity and peace in the host country and resettlement is the durable solution for refugee who cannot go home. Since 1951, New Zealand is a Signatory of the UN Refugee conventions, 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees, 1984 Convention Against Torture and 1966 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In response to refugee crisis, UNHCR engages with signatory countries in order to provide long term and permanent solutions for refugees and asylum seeker category . The latter, consists of people who claim refugee status on arriving at the border or after entering.
The refugee claims are processed by the immigration New Zealand based on individuals’ circumstance . Depends on their situation, they can be approved or rejected by immigration. Once refugees are accepted they become resident and enjoy the same rights as other New Zealand citizens. Currently, New Zealand accepts Refugee Quota (750 + 250/300 Family reunification total including 150 syrian refugees. Among them, the 49 % per cent of these refugees who are approved in resettlement represent women and children under 18 years old, and they come from various background especially war, ethnic and political conflicts
Since end of World War 2, New Zealand has established an annual humanitarian refugee resettlement scheme also know as refugee Quota, which deals with resettlement. On the arrival in NZ, refugee are assigned to volunteers and social workers from Red cross, who guide them (refugees) to access health, education and housing needs. While the Red Cross New Zealand facilitate them to access the basic needs, it is understood that the successful refugee resettlement requires a robust, wide and holistic support from the local and national communities.
Generally, refugees who get resettled in New Zealand have undergone through bad past experience including but not limited to xenophobia, stress, trauma especially refugees who have lost their family members. Others may have been exposed to sexual abuse and xenophobia too. In some situation, those who stayed in refugee camps in long term may have been exposed to overcrowding, disease contamination and exploitation. Therefore they need intensive integration support, generosity and hospitality from the local communities.
There are a number of things that New Zealanders can do to integrate and welcome refugees
(a) at local level, New Zealanders have to develop the awareness and ability to distinguish refugees from from migrants. Refugees are the most vulnerable people, and they have a heartbreaking experience. Unlike to migrants, refugees may not return or have timeframe when they can get back to their home countries , (b) they leave their belonging and financial means behind, (c) they do not choose to leave home and therefore have always worries, grief and loss of their families and everything (d) face social construction especially prejudice in the countries of the resettlement , have cultural chock and difference due to their employment status or inability to express themselves .
(b) Moreover, they have no choice and leave all their belonging behind when they flee Secondly, the local community needs to be volunteers and show the welcoming attitude and provide small steps required to access the basic needs , surrounding and community. For instance, little children may not be able to speak identify them and they may find hard to cope with the unfamiliar places, tired after a long journey, culture choc ,language or religion barriers.
Likewise, living the big city can be challenging for refugees especially those who have lived in the camp in long time. Thus, the local community should help them to navigate in the city, get familiar agencies and systems and empower them to find employment in order to get finial means required to support their families. At the national level, the government needs to make sure refugees all healthcare and education support. They need to be provided a comprehensive blueprint, which will help them to navigate and build up the strong families. The New Zealand government needs to develop cultural awareness in all institutions to ensure refugees are welcomed and supported.
Ultimately, New Zealand has economic opportunity to integrate refugees .ie Its has been proven that when they are supported , they can successful achieve qualification, work and eventually contribute in the NZ economy. New Zealand is a country that a historical migrant achievement and relies on skills category migrants. Thus, the education investment in refugees has long-term outcomes.
Likewise, it has been proven that refugees can contribute and be much closer to cost-positive similar to immigrant population if they are supported (reference). Importantly, under the 1951 Un refugee conventions, NZL has not only legal obligations but it can show its global citizenship, humanitarian values, hospitality and generosity towards refugees.
We have heard various views on African’s development and thought it is time debate it in more details. Some people say Africa is not poor. Africa is a rich continent inhabited by poor people, and we fix the people’s mindset everything else will fall into place. Think again about these 10 problems below! Are they the crucial concerns that affect African’s socioeconomic and political development?
Some people say that once we have fixed them, African could take control of their destiny.
Extreme Poverty: Humanitarian organization like UNICEF, Doctors without Borders, and alike have done more damage to Africa than the marginal positive impact they supposedly have had. Some people think that in order to raise money for their operations, they have engaged into a “poverty porn” depicting Africa with the most degrading, and humiliating images. African people dignity is not something they cared about. The huge billboard and magazines photos showing Africa at its worst now fill the mind of billions of people around the world, and unfortunately those people can’t help but think about Africa only trough those images.
In the same time, those medias won’t show the photo of a dead American or English soldier, because it’s shocking and doesn’t respect human dignity) .The worst consequence of this “free publicity” is the way it has deeply impacted Africans self-perception and self-image. For example, It’s common in France for African immigrants who are having problems with their teenagers to threat them “If you’ll continue to behave that way, you’ll be sent back to Africa”, meaning “We will send you to the hell you have seen on TV or in the Newspaper”. The “Poverty porn” of the NGOs, the humanitarian organizations, and Western medias is the problem number one because it sabotages Africans self-image, weakens their sell-confidence and resolve, and contributed hugely to the hate and racism Africans face all over the world.
Foreign / International Aid: If foreign aid would develop any place, Africa will be the most developed continent in the world. International AID is now doing more harm to Africa than good. It became the main tool used by foreign governments and organizations to corrupt the African elite, and get them to behave so irrationally toward their own populations and the basic interest of their countries. Apart of corruption and the criminality, International Aid is the root of the 5 Stars colonization disease that cripple the African elite which dislike the responsibility and the self sacrifice that comes with being in control of a nation destiny. As far as they enjoyed the status offered by their positions, they never liked the responsibilities demanded by the jobs; therefore they use international aid programs as substitute to their responsibilities.
If Africa needs any aid, the most urgent one is to get rid of the 40 billions corruption industry (called International Aid) that shackles its youth and elite, cultivates and maintains the beggar mentality.
How would you develop any country when the dream of the majority of its youth and elite is not entrepreneurship, innovation, education and self-sufficiency, but the dream to have a job with a humanitarian organization or to get their project financed by some International aid Agency or proxy
International Media: A friend of mine recently told me that the “Global Lying System” (referring to the western medias covering African news) is one of the biggest threats to peace and development in Africa. Have you thought that African tribes are more created by the International media. The colonial heritage of those journalists (unless they are instructed to do so) makes them to see Africa only as a collection of tribes and focus their coverage on what they call as tribal issues. They create new realities like “People from the North” compared to “people from the South” or “people from the West”. The western medias seems to follow an agenda of further dividing African nations and populations with their constant framing of Africa through fight between tribes, religions, geography, etc. This must stop before African could unite to fight their way out.
The influence of western medias in Africa is very negative, and could be considered as part of Africa problems. The second most negative effect of the western medias in Africa is that they tend to focus their attention on what the Europeans or the White people are doing in Africa or for Africa, and how they are saving Africa, therefore continuing to create the false impression that Africa is a hopeless place with lazy people that could be saved only by the white man. What you often see is a white man helping African or an outsider making change in Africa. That’s bad, and perpetuates the feeling that Africans are incapable to solve their problem by themselves, and reinforce in the mind of the young people and generation “the white man as a savior” mentality. Very Bad! Panel of experts on Africa development – Africa Without Africans
The Colonial Borders: The current African countries borders are nonsenses. A study done in the years 70s showed that African nations had less trade between themselves than before colonization. The situation has not change much since then. There is no immediate solution, but initiative like the African passport or Visa would greatly improve the movement of people and increase the potential of intellectual and commercial exchanges. Others argue that one should not ignore the Books of Machiavelli, Hegel & Darwinism. I e The western elite that currently rules the world has 3 majors intellectuals influences: Machiavelli (How to rule over people with cynicism and deception), Hegel (using the Hegelian dialectic of history they consider the western civilization as the end of history) and Darwin (the Survival belongs to the fittest, therefore the some elite people race should stay at the top and rule over other races).
Anyone who wants to understand the intellectual principles that are shaping our current world, should deeply understand the above 3 authors and their influence on the western elite (just views not endorsement).
Others go on to question whether people still remember what Maya Angelou advised the world.
Ie Maya often recommended African-American elite to read The prince of Machiavelli. i.e The Prince book contains the main principle all imperialist applies: “If you want to control the people, separate the people and you can rule them. Divide them and you can conquer them.” The ignorance by the African elite of the principles by which the western Elite thinks and acts is a major cause of their permanent naiveté and incompetency.
The Rich Subaltern Mentality: There are two kinds of people in Africa, those who can’t make a living regardless of how much they put in, and those with lavish lifestyle and privileges regardless of how little they contribute. The struggle for democracy was impelled by social movement activism, which embraced the global human rights agenda in multiple ways and brought its different dimensions together.
What is the problem?. The problem is that you can’t develop a country or continent where the majority of people who have the potential to become leaders are raised to be “good subalterns” to be successful.
Young people aspire to emulate the most successful models in their society, and now the only visible and tangible model available is the rich subaltern model. There will be no problem with the rich subaltern model if this group of population was not made mainly with “non-productive” people working in middle management position. E.g Managers in office don’t create companies, they don’t create value, they don’t create jobs, and they don’t invent, innovate or act in leadership position with the power to change things.
Lack of Domestic Leadership Education: Africa is not poor, Africa has a leadership problem, and do you agree? . Many people believe that if society thinks to prosper it should have a endogenous system of identifying, training and coaching its future leaders. Some countries do it through their military services, some do it through elite schools, and some others do it through informal coaching and assistance organizations or secret societies.
The main issue about Africa leadership is not the quality of its individuals, but the quality of the group of individuals. Individually there are lot of brilliant people, but collectively they fail to work together harmoniously on long-term vision, and commit with integrity and loyalty to their country or long-term vision. The reason being some leaders are sometimes trained by outsiders (from overseas or) who don’t have enough knowledge about Africa continent. Additionally, the heterogeneity of the systems, in which they have trained, makes it difficult to make them work well together.
Lack of Science & Engineering Education: A study done few years ago at the Stanford University (I’m struggling to find my source) demonstrated how colonial powers tend to drastically reduce the study of science and engineering in the countries they have occupied. They would favor literature and subaltern studies that would make the graduates just good enough to assist them in running the colonies or the occupied countries. Indeed, Africa has a lot of “talkers”, people with oratory prowess. Now, We don’t need more of those lawyers, sociologists, philosophers, but more scientists and engineers.
Lack of International diplomacy / Intelligence network: Africa knowledge of the world is very limited. I’d agree that most of my fellow Africans has very little idea of the world they are living in, specially the forces and trends that are shaping it. This lack of intelligence is so awful because it leaves the continent unaware of events and shifts that could affect it- Does Africa need lecturers about global and international affairs?
Crab Mentality: If you put several crabs into a bucket, and if one of them begins to crawl out, one or more of the other crabs will put it back down and prevent its escape. It’s called Crab Mentality. This is a good metaphor for us as Africans to unite and create networks that support each other, while avoiding the Judas goats.
The meeting was held as part of its five-yearly report/review.
It is so interesting!!! Mrs. Tolley the Minister of social development and her delegation along with the NZL Children's Commissioner were challenged and questioned about the discrimination and social inequality that exist in NZL.
Children’s issues were discussed in last UN National Council meeting in Wanganui city!
In fact, New Zealand needs to do more for children's care and protection. Currently, there are concerns about the new structure of Child , Youth and Family and confusion about the definition of " child " in NZ vs UNCRC context. Some people argue that Care of Children act 2004, Children, Young people and their families 1989 and other legislation do not meet the definition of the "child " under the UNCRC.
It is was recently reported that UNCRC committee was very upset and went on stating that The new Ministry of the Vulnerable children is very disturbing and needs to change the name !! . i.e Many people include the UNRC committee believe that the ministry in charge of children issue has socially constructed children’ issues .That has caused negative implication in the children's wellbeing.
Please take your time and read & listen below- the full transcript . You will learn more about keen UN Conventions Right for the Child committee position towards New Zealand. Here is the Radio NZ link, which will provide you some of critical issues about the 2138 meeting: http://www.radionz.co.nz/news/political/313582/un-challenges-nz-on-child-poverty.
Throughout the second half of the twentieth century some 190 nations, including New Zealand, joined the international community and participated to varying degrees, and with varying degrees of enthusiasm and success, in the international machinery of law, social and economic cooperation, and conflict prevention. But the scope of global challenges, and the mechanism for global governance created to address them, expanded rapidly in the second half of the twentieth century, and nations large and small now face complex choices in determining where and how to engage, and for what benefits to their own societies as well as to others.
The ‘benefits’ of “Westphalian” state arrangements are increasingly challenged by the benefits of wider commitments, which imply the diminution of state sovereignty. Responses to global challenges vary from withdrawal in to ‘the protection of national interest’ through to the exploration of cosmopolitan “global governance” arrangements. What is true of the case of New Zealand? The purpose of this conference is to consider: a) the extent of New Zealand’s current engagement with the UN system; and b) the relationship between pursuit of national interests and the pursuit of the interests of the whole.
New Zealand’s advancement as a nation now depends on the extent to which it values its multi-cultural talents and connections and “brings them home” to NZ in the form of business, cultural connections, etc; and secondly, that the best is brought out in New Zealand society through its acknowledging its share of global responsibilities.
However, whilst New Zealand is becoming an increasingly multicultural society, prejudice remains within this society that requires urgent action. Furthermore, New Zealand’s desire to share in global responsibilities has been tested by a counter-argument that engaging in conflict resolution internationally puts this nation at risk of becoming a target. In the context of this range of perspectives, the UNANZ 2015 National Conference seeks to understand New Zealand’s standing and reputation in the world, and how its current standing can be enhanced further through engagement with the many organs, agencies and programs of the United Nations Organization.
According to the latest data available from OCHA, the Winston disaster has caused the massive damage and destruction of 18,000 houses. It was recorded that more than 72,000 primary and secondary school children have been disrupted. The OCHA also reported that, in some locations, the transportation & communications infrastructure have been destroyed. At the moment, OCHA / Pacific region has allocated emergency relief of 8 millions US dollars in order to prevent the spread of diseases and other health related problems.
Whist the OCHA support has significantly made a positive impact in the lives of the victims, many Fijians are still locked in hardships, and they desperately require International Aid.
In responding the disaster relief, a number of NGOs, community organizations and pacific diaspora in New Zealand have shown the strong support towards the victims.
Moreover, New Zealand government (GOVT) has stepped in the aftermath of Cyclone Winston with skilled staff, transportation and essential relief supplies. The NZ government also provided a contribution of $1.5 million, bringing New Zealand post-cyclone aid to $4.7 million.
This generous aid fund aimed to:
Provide relief supplies and technical teams, with nearly 500 New Zealanders working on the aid effort in Fiji by the end of this week and support to the Fiji National Disaster
New Zealand NGOs with local partners providing relief and recovery assistance on the ground. Note: The 163 tonnes of priority emergency goods were transported to Fiji including 37 New Zealand Defense Force engineers, and six Fire Service engineers to assessed and repair schools and roads on Viti Levu.
As a non-permanent member of UN Security Council, New Zealand has provided input and generous gesture to strengthen the United Nations response to complex emergencies and natural disasters by providing aid fund to the Fijians and pacific people who require urgent support. Despite all these support though, many people believe that it would be crucial to improve overall effectiveness and coordination of humanitarian operations in the field just to avoid undue delay of aid delivery or the duplication of the services. Importantly, NZ needs to lead and provide coordination between national and international logistics coordination structures to ensure integration of humanitarian NGOs, INGOs and UN agencies into the overall plan supported by the donors
Some urgent needs as identified by OCHA Pacific include but not limited to :
Provision of emergency shelter and support to evacuation centers and host communities
Accessibility to health services as well as clean water and sanitation and hygiene services Hospitals and medical facilities have been destroyed or damaged, and water sources are damaged or contaminated.
Provision of clean water and restoration of health and sanitation services are needed to reduce the spread of disease.
Improvement and accessibility to food and support to livelihoods With the loss of 100 per cent of crops in some areas and serious damage to boats, fishing equipment and food gardens, people need access to food, as well seeds and other agricultural inputs and fishing supplies.
Access to temporary learning spaces and rehabilitation of school facilities Schools have been destroyed or damaged and many others are being used as evacuation centers.
Protection and support to vulnerable communities Women, girls, boys and men of different ages and abilities are at greater risk of marginalization, as well as physical, domestic and sexual violence.
The history of the Office of United Nations Humanitarian Affairs
In December 1991, the General Assembly adopted resolution 46/182, which was designed to strengthen the United Nations response to complex emergencies and natural disasters, while improving the overall effectiveness of humanitarian operations in the field. The resolution also created the high-level position of Emergency Relief Coordinator (ERC). This new function would combine into a single United Nations focal point the functions carried out by the Secretary-General’s representatives for major and complex emergencies, as well as the United Nation’s natural disaster functions carried out by the United Nations Disaster Relief Organization.
Soon after the resolution was adopted, the Secretary-General established the Department of Humanitarian Affairs (DHA). He also assigned the ERC the status of Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, with offices in New York and Geneva to provide institutional support. Resolution 46/182 also created the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC), the Consolidated Appeals Process and the Central Emergency Revolving Fund as key coordination mechanisms and tools of the ERC.
In 1998, as part of the Secretary-General’s program of reform, DHA was reorganized into the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Its mandate was expanded to include the coordination of humanitarian response, policy development and humanitarian advocacy. OCHA carries out its coordination function primarily through the IASC, which is chaired by the ERC. Participants include all humanitarian partners, from United Nations agencies, funds and programs, to the Red Cross movement and NGOs. The IASC ensures inter-agency decision-making in response to complex emergencies. These responses include needs assessments, consolidated appeals, field coordination arrangements and the development of humanitarian policies.
It was recently reported that the new model would be divided in the following departments & units:
Child, Youth and Family;
The Children’s Action Plan Directorate, including the Children’s Teams, the Hub and the Vulnerable Kids Information System;
The Ministry’s High and Complex Needs Unit;
The Ministry’s Community Investment arm, which funds non-government social
Investing in New Zealand’s Children and their service design;
Policy, research, evaluation and legislative functions, and data analytics capability relating to community, family, care and protection, and youth issues.
Based on my experience in care and youth protection, I strongly believe that a restructure of CYF is necessary, right and just. Among those who have worked with CYF, we believe that a new operating framework will provide the opportunity for social workers to engage with families, make robust and holistic assessments, and ultimately apply interventions that fit their needs.
However, questions are being asked about the potential effectiveness of the new “Super-CYF” department, which has been proposed by the CYF Review Panel.
Will the new model merely duplicate of existing social services? Has the CYF Review Panel developed a short-term, ACC-style, low cost-approach to address the ongoing struggles of vulnerable kids? Or is the panel working with the government to privatize social services just to save money, whereby competition, accountability, efficiency and effectiveness are the most tangible outcomes.
A whirlwind of change is coming to CYF. Former professional and registered social workers in care and protection have requested CYF reform and cultural change for years in the name of the vulnerable kids. Now, it is high time for professional social workers to reflect on the implications of the new model. Why is this happening now? And should it take five years to implement the new model?
On my view, if we really care about the most vulnerable kids, we must encourage social workers to address the power imbalance, particularly by using their social workers’ bible carefully (i.e. Section 09 of CYPF Act 1989 & related legislations vs social work practice, social work theories, approaches, models and framework). However, we must remember that the care and protection sector is a very complex area of social work practice, which requires the extensive knowledge of laws, policies and models.
Likewise, we remember that professional social workers/practitioners must advance social change, not reinforce existing social controls through statutory duties! Now, the Ministry of Social Development and New Zealand government have the responsibility to provide the resources to the qualified and registered social workers/practitioners in order to protect children effectively (pay increase?). If we really care about vulnerable kids and want to provide them with quality services, then the Government must change the CYRAS tracking system (Care and protection, Youth justice, Residences, Adoption System), rebrand it and use efficient, contemporary online platforms to track down all perpetrators of child abuse & neglect and bring before a judge to face justice.
Overall, I strongly trust that the new model will provide the opportunity to social workers to spend time with our precious clients and empower them to reach their potential. Remember: professional social work practice focuses on understanding the underlying social issues that affect the most vulnerable people, working alongside them, providing the tools they need for durable solutions, and eventually empowering them with the resources they require to reach their potential!
In order to succeed and achieve the best outcomes for the vulnerable kids, there are a bunch of questions that practitioners need to reflect: Has the CYF Review Panel taken into account the social issues that affect kids in New Zealand, such as poverty, unemployment and institutionalized discrimination? If yes, what is the Government doing about them? Is re-allocating the budget enough to address children social issues, or is that going to create other issues? We understand the new reform will require the reallocation of funding—specifically, some of the budget from the Ministry of Health and Education will be diverted to the new CYF department. Would that mean that the number of social workers in allied health, mental health and schools will be reduced? .
As for social workers, do they balance statutory duties versus social work practice? Do they work alongside families or do they reinforce social control? Do they have enough of the resources that children require? Do we have the right people to do the job ? What are the requirements that social workers need?
Over many years, leaders across Africa have accused of the council of assumption bias and unfair target. But let’s have a quick of the UNSC structure, cultural and environment. To start with, under the United Nations Charter, the Security Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace. Generally, the council has 15 Members, and each Member has one vote. Under the Charter, all Member States are obligated to adhere to and comply with Council decisions. Generally, the Security Council takes the lead in determining the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression.
Usually, the Council calls upon the parties in conflicts to settle the disagreement by peaceful means and recommends methods of adjustment or terms of settlement. In some cases, the Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even authorize the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security. Importantly, the Security Council also recommends to the General Assembly the appointment of the Secretary-General and the admission of new Members to the United Nations.
Performance of its functions may be confusing and is reflected in Rule 28 of the Council’s Provisional Rules of Procedure. i.e UNSC can choose to establish a number of sub- working group, which aims to deal with some specific issues such as: sanctions regimes, counter-terrorism, peacekeeping operations. For instance, UNSC has established the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) are subsidiary organs of the Security Council within the terms of article 29 of the Charter. Ultimately, it is up the council members to decide when how and to deal with specific issues. Other working group includes the advisory Body, International Courts and Tribunals, Peacekeeping Operations and Political Missions, Non-Proliferation and Military Committee.
There are genuine concerns that the United Nations Security Council should undergo a critical reform by increasing African presence and influence. Still, a number of African Nations see UN Security Council (UNSC) as a talk feast and not an action place ‘ too much talk and no action!’, whilst others argue that he Council must adhere to UN charter ,avoid the division and to verbalize the present ethnic war conflicts in Africa. The UNSC should have one voice and comprehensive blueprint for all Burundians! Peace in Burundi can be achieved through an honesty dialogue between all stakeholders!
One of the central questions of our time is how the UN Security Council, designed to handle international problems of the mid-20th century, can successfully handle global problems of the 21st. Issues of global sustainability and the planetary boundaries, the retention of weapons of mass destruction in national arsenals, the increasing fragility of the global economic-financial structure, the trans-continental spread of disease, and new trends in violence and armed force – all challenge our 20th-century international organizations.
This is occurring at a time when communication and ideas move around the planet at unprecedented speed, and the traditional notion of national sovereignty is being eroded at both global and individual levels. It is in this context that the Security Council strives to perform its duties, within serious constraints on its global legitimacy that are well recognized everywhere yet which appear to be entrenched.
So, does the concept of ‘global governance’, developed in the 1990s and increasingly recognized as a facilitating concept in 21st-century political and diplomatic thinking, assist?
Lecture by Prof. Ramesh Thakur
Ramesh Thakur is Director of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation & Disarmament at the Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University. He is also Editor-in-Chief of the Journal Global Governance, Co-editor of The Oxford Handbook of Modern Diplomacy, and the author of Nuclear Weapons and International Security. Among previous academic appointments he was Senior Vice-Rector of the United Nations University, and has taught in universities in Australia, New Zealand and Canada. Along with Gareth Evans, he was co-author of the ‘responsibility to protect’ doctrine that emerged from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2001), in which he was the only serving UN official.
Speech by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights , Mr. Zeid Ra’ad, Burundi report 2015.
“With series of pivotal elections scheduled to take place between May and August, this is a critical moment in Burundi’s history, and I am very grateful to the Government for inviting me at this time. The country is at a crossroads, and its future may well depend on which path is chosen by individual politicians and their supporters, as well as various key authorities, over the next few weeks: the path of free and fair elections which would strengthen and mature Burundi’s still fragile democracy, and enable an improvement in its dire socio-economic situation; or the path of violence and intimidation aimed at subverting democracy for the sake of gaining or maintaining political power.
The path that could potentially lead back to Burundi’s deeply troubled, tragic and horrendously violent past. The path that was avoided in important recent elections in countries such as Mali, Kenya and Nigeria. The path that no one should even consider taking… I will put it bluntly, as I prepared for this mission, I talked to many knowledgeable people, within and outside the UN, in Geneva and New York. They were all, without exception; alarmed about the direction the country appears to be taking.
The Secretary-General has signaled his concerns, and so has the Security Council. Since arriving here on Sunday, in addition to meeting the President, Vice-President and Minister of External Relations, I have also held discussions with civil society organizations, the National Human Rights Institution (CNIDH), foreign diplomats, opposition politicians, and key State institutions such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Independent National Electoral Commission, and the President of the Constitutional Court.
Earlier today I took part in a lively Round Table discussion involving many of the above on the subject of Human Rights and Elections, with particular reference to Burundi’s upcoming elections this year. During the course of these meetings and discussions, it was very clear that many people here are also extremely worried.
Tensions have been rising sharply over the past few months as the elections approach. These have reportedly been stoked by an increase in politically motivated harassment, intimidation and acts of violence, as well as a reported rise in hate speech. The phrase that keeps cropping up when discussions of violence and intimidation take places, the root of many people’s fears – and many people in Burundi are very afraid.
These are all bad signs, but there is a clear way out, a clear way back to the path that leads to peace and prosperity, the path that was laid out at Arusha, and which the country has in general been following quite closely until recently. The authorities, in particular the police, must treat all political demonstrations equally and in accordance with international laws and standards relating to freedom of assembly. And opposition politicians must play their part too. They must not inflate or exaggerate the facts to whip up support against the Government, thereby feeding the climate of fear. They must also ensure that their supporters protest peacefully, and do not indulge in hate speech or react violently to perceived provocations.
Ultimately, it is the authorities that have the obligation to protect all citizens and residents from intimidation and violence committed by any individual or group. They must also accept that criticism is a vital element of democracy, not a threat that must be crushed. The right to freedom of expression and opinion is enshrined in international treaties ratified by Burundi, and the government is obliged to uphold those treaties.
Burundi has ratified an impressive number of international treaties. It also has an excellent record of cooperation with the United Nations. Its relationship with my Office goes back many years, and the current Government has continued to conduct a constructive relationship, as evidenced by its agreement with us to set up a full country office at the beginning of the year, following the departure of BNUB which had an integrated human rights component. My conversations with President Pierre Nkurunziza, First Vice-President Prosper Bazombanza and the Minister of External Affairs Laurent Kavakure lead me to believe that that relationship will continue, and I hope all members of the Government will see that any criticisms I make are made in the spirit of friendship, and the United Nations’ strong desire to help Burundi become a success story.
Other successes in recent years – and it is important to stress the country has made considerable strides in many areas since the signing of the Arusha Agreement – include improvements in the fields of education and women’s and children’s rights. The fact that, by law, at least 30 percent of parliamentarians must be women is an important measure, although women’s rights still need sustained and determined attention to ensure they advance in other areas, and sexual and gender- based violence remains a very significant problem throughout the country.
I regret that, due to the complexities of the political situation in the country at present, and to my tightly-packed schedule during this visit, I had to cancel a planned visit to Gitega where I had hoped to visit the Humura Centre, where victims of sexual and gender-based violence are housed and provided with medical and psychological care and legal assistance. My staff in Burundi will continue to prioritize issues related to gender and the advancement of women’s rights, and there is clearly much good will on the part of the Government to continue making progress in this area. I hope this will include swiftly rectifying the remaining discriminatory legislation that is still in force.
Another extremely important development since Arusha, is that ethnic tensions have been dramatically reduced, which is a great achievement given the country’s terrible history in this regard. The setting up of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is a significant development, and I have offered the support of my Office, including advice born of experience of other such Commissions around the world, as it carries out its four-year mandate. However, I would like to stress that truth and reconciliation, while extremely important, cannot be carried out at the expense of justice. A major contributor to the current risk that serious violence may break out once again in Burundi is the almost total impunity for all the horrendous crimes that occurred during the decades prior to the Arusha Agreement. Another very significant advance on the human rights front was the establishment of Burundi’s National Human Rights Institution (CNIDH) in 2011.
The first group of Commissioners pulled off the remarkable feat of acquiring the coveted ‘A’ Status, bestowed by its peers around the world, in less than two years. This status is not granted lightly and is clear evidence of the respect there has been for the work of the Commission.
With five of its seven members due either to be re-appointed or replaced this summer, I urge the relevant authorities to ensure that only member of the highest calibre are chosen, so that the CNIDH can continue to burnish Burundi’s human rights reputation abroad, while stimulating positive change for the population at home.
Burundi has become an important and respected contributor to UN peacekeeping operations, especially in Somalia. While not responsible for assembling or managing peace-keeping operations, my Office is increasingly being asked to conduct due diligence to ensure that no officers suspected of serious international crimes are allowed to assume command of such operations. It is a matter of concern to me that, if violence breaks out in Burundi itself, one of the by-products might be that its vital contribution to peace-keeping in other countries may be undermined or even lost altogether.
During my meetings, the Government highlighted its concerns about social, economic and cultural rights – concerns that I most certainly share. Burundi is very green and fertile and, unlike so many other countries, is blessed with an abundant supply of water. It should therefore not be so extraordinarily poor, with 48 percent of the population living in severe poverty, according to the most recent Multidimensional Poverty Index. Nor, despite considerable foreign aid, should it be languishing in last place on the Global Hunger Index, with more than 60 percent of the population classified as undernourished in 2014.
While some of this is the result of rapid population growth due to the extremely high fertility rate of 6.08 children per woman, it is also the lingering result of decades of conflict and massive human rights violations and displacement. Given that the vast majority of Burundi’s refugees returned home over the past 15 years, it is particularly sad – and worrying — to see some people starting to feel the need to flee once more. It will also be devastating to the country’s slow and fragile recovery if another round of violence is triggered by forces opposed to a truly democratic and peaceful election.
In short, Burundi cannot afford another outbreak of violence. It cannot afford it economically, politically, socially or culturally. It cannot afford it domestically or internationally. I therefore urge the country’s politicians, and the rank-and-file political activists, to ensure the political debate, while naturally heated, never reaches the level of inciting hatred or violence. I urge the authorities at the national, provincial and local level to be scrupulously even-handed and to ensure the protection of all members of the public. I urge those who compete in the elections to do so fairly, and those who lose fairly to do so graciously.
I urge the President and the ruling party, as well as opposition leaders, police and military to place the future well-being of the country as a whole before their own personal political desires. In the long term this is in everybody’s interests. And history – and possibly national or international courts – will judge those who kill, bribe or intimidate their way to power. There is only one path for Burundi to follow, and that is the path of peace, rule of law and democracy.
I wish you well, and rest assured that the international community will fully support a Burundi that takes that path to peace, democracy and the prosperity that ultimately arises from them”